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Being-in-the-world of celebrity: The phenomenology of famemore
by David Giles
The experience of being famous was investigated through interviews with 15 well-known American celebrities. Te interviews detail the existential parameters of being famous in contemporary culture. Research participants were celebrities invarious societal categories: government, law, business, publishing, sports, music,film, television news and entertainment. Phenomenological analysis was used toexamine textural and structural relationship-to-world themes of fame and celebrity.Te study found that in relation to self, being famous leads to loss of privacy,entitization, demanding expectations, gratification of ego needs, and symbolicimmortality. In relation to other, or world, being famous leads to wealth, access,temptations, and concerns about family impact. Areas of psychological concernfor celebrity mental health include character-splitting, mistrust, isolation, and anunwillingness to give up fame. Being-in-the-world of celebrity is a processinvolving four temporal phases: love/hate, addiction, acceptance, and adaptation.Findings are presented in the form of a Composite extural Description and twoIndividual Structural Descriptions.
Keywords
fame, celebrity, media psychology, pop culture, phenomenology Most everybody secretly imagines themselves in show business and everyday on their way to work, they’re a little bit depressed because they’re not . . . Peo-ple are sad they’re not famous in America. (Waters, 2004)
Movie producer John Waters’s quotation may not only apply to the United States. Over the last century the mass media have glorified the exploits of famous people to all corners of the globe, so that being recognized and D. Rockwell, D. C. Giles / Journal of Phenomenological Psychology 40 (2009) talked about by millions of people has become a desirable goal for many individuals in contemporary society. But what of the lucky few who actu-ally attain that goal? In this paper we describe the experience of fame forthose who have achieved it at some point in their lifetime.Te psychology of fame and celebrity has been a very restricted academicfield thus far. Apart from a small body of largely speculative work (e.g., Evans& Wilson, 1999; Giles, 2000; Griffi ths & Joinson, 1998) and a handful of studies examining popularity (Adler & Adler, 1989; Schaller, 1997), con-temporary psychologists have preferred to study audience relationships withcelebrities under the banners of “parasocial interaction” (Giles, 2002) and“celebrity worship” (Maltby, Giles, Barber & McCutcheon, 2005; Maltby,Houran & McCutcheon, 2003; McCutcheon, Lange, & Houran, 2002).Te strongest academic research on fame and celebrity has been con-ducted largely in sociology and the humanities (e.g., Braudy, 1997; Gam-son, 1994; Holmes & Redmond, 2006; Marshall, 1997). Although this work is illuminating from a theoretical perspective, it lacks an empiricalcontribution, largely because famous individuals are diffi cult to recruit asresearch participants. Te study reported in this paper involved conduct-ing in-depth interviews with a number of individuals who have attainedsome degree of celebrity in the United States.
The purpose of the present study was to investigate the experience of fame, effectively asking the question:
What is it like to be famous? Whatmeans of coping do individuals adopt for such situations? Are paparazziand fan encounters experienced as problematic for famous people? Are thebenefits of the celebrity experience worth the loss of privacy and anonym-ity, meeting cherished expectations of “the big time?” Troughout, it mustbe borne in mind that retrospective accounts bear a gloss that may reflecta reconfiguring of the life narrative (Bruner, 2002), but within this con-fine, this study captures the experience of being famous as told to theresearcher by contemporary American celebrities. A distinction between fame and celebrity is made by a number of authors(e.g., Braudy, 1997; Gamson, 1994). Fame is considered a long-standingphenomenon largely deriving from mass society, typically urban, in whichindividuals are glorified for their deeds. Braudy (1997) traces this processto Alexander the Great and the Roman Empire. Celebrity, in contrast, isviewed as a modern phenomenon related to mass media, brought about by newspaper, magazine, television, the Internet, and such technologically
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Journal of Phenomenological Psychology 40 (2009) 178–210
sophisticated art forms as cinema and pop music (Gamson, 1994). Boorstin(1961) is succinct in his definition: “Te celebrity is a person who is knownfor his well-knowness” (p. 57).Te two phenomena—fame as a condition “of being glorified” andcelebrity as a process of media exposure—coincide in contemporary cul-ture, so that a local television personality is accorded the same kind of famebestowed on Shakespeare. Fame may be experienced in various waysaccording to its domain. Te experiences of a star athlete, for example,may be very different from those of a pop star, whose “greatness” is relianton fast-changing aesthetic and cultural values. Te focus of this investiga-tion is on the lived-experience of celebrities from diverse walks of Ameri-can life as they move through the world of fame.
Methodological Issues
The data were collected and analyzed according to the phenomenologicalapproach outlined by Moustakas (1994). Tis method reveals “the rhythmand relationship between phenomena and self” (Moustakas, 1994, p. 90),the defining characteristics of one’s being-in-the-world. In part, it derivesfrom the work of Husserl (1913/1963, p. 39), who developed methods forgrasping essences through the eidetic analysis of empirical examples. It isnot the individual’s account of phenomena that is the object of inquiry,but rather the essential meanings of the phenomena that the accountdescribes. Te researcher’s role, then, is to understand the invariant inten-tions and meanings that constitute the phenomena.
In accordance with phenomenological principles, scientific investigation isvalid when the knowledge sought is arrived at through descriptions that makepossible an understanding of the meanings and essences of
experience . . .()he filling in or completion of the nature and meaning of the experiencebecomes the challenge. (Moustakas, 1994, p. 84/ 90)
Each interview (or “narrative”) is organized by means of textural themes —broadly similar to the superordinate themes in Interpretive Phenomenoloical Analysis (IPA) (Smith & Osborn, 2004) which are grasped through thesample as an overarching set common to the individuals in the study andfreely imagined variants. Tese themes are further interrogated in accordance with the seven universal phenomenological givens or structures (Moustakas,